Given his pivotal role in some of the most significant military and imperial projects of the early 20th century, it is reasonable to surmise that Stewart Newcombe would be profoundly disheartened by the contemporary realities facing Palestine, Sudan, and the Congo - regions with which he was closely associated during his service. Once central to the strategic calculations of British imperial policy, these territories continue to experience not only the ravages of armed conflict but also its most devastating consequences: famine, epidemic disease, genocide, and ethnic cleansing. That such outcomes have unfolded in regions shaped in part by the geopolitical interventions of his era underscores the enduring and often tragic legacies of colonial entanglement.
His inability to successfully influence political developments in Palestine during the 1930s and 1940s was a source of profound and genuine disappointment. His instrumental role in establishing the first mosque in London in the immediate post-Second World War period reflects a conscious effort to redress, at least in part, what he perceived as unfulfilled commitments made to the Arab world on behalf of Great Britain during the First World War. In the following essay (to be published in three parts) I will examine how the enduring historical and political legacy of empire unfolded throughout his career from the Nile to Arabia, revealing a complex interplay between colonial ambitions, personal conviction, and the shifting geopolitical landscape.
PART ONE: The Lado Enclave and the Congo Frontier
In the summer of 1907, Captain Newcombe was already an experienced British military surveyor and intelligence officer when his work became deeply intertwined with the geopolitics of the Upper Nile Valley, Sudan, and, by extension, Belgian ambitions in the Lado Enclave and the Congo. This occurred at a time when Britain was seeking to consolidate its authority in Sudan and Uganda following the Anglo-Egyptian reconquest of Sudan in 1898.
During this same period, the Congo Free State under King Leopold II exemplified the brutal extremes of imperial power, with the systematic mutilation of Congolese people—including the cutting off of hands to enforce rubber quotas—and an estimated 10 to 15 million deaths from violence, disease, and famine, providing a stark illustration of the human cost of imperial ambition.
Listen to the yell of Leopold’s ghost
Burning in Hell for his hand-maimed host.
Hear how the demons chuckle and yell
Cutting his hands off, down in Hell.
VACHEL LINDSAY
Newcombe’s mapping efforts were not purely cartographic exercises; rather, they were tightly interwoven with imperial strategy. In an era where territorial claims were often legitimised through scientific exploration and mapping, his surveys helped establish clear geographic knowledge of contested regions, thereby supporting British legal and military claims. The data he produced informed both logistical planning for the Uganda Railway and military operations along key routes between Uganda and Khartoum. These transport corridors were vital to British ambitions of linking southern and northern parts of the empire via the so-called "Cape to Cairo" route, while simultaneously countering rival infrastructure projects.
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| King Leopold II of Belgian |
Leopold’s dream was to construct a railway from the frontier of the CFS to the Nile near the town of Lado. To assist in its viability, Newcombe was attached to an Anglo-Belgian commission along with Dr T.C. Mackenzie (RAMC) and Lieutenant R. Micklem, R.E. of the Sudan Government Railways; and with Count Olaerts, Major Charles Lemaire and Messrs. Slosse and Wegdard representing the Belgians. After preparations were completed the team departed south by river steamer on 15 February 1907. They were tasked with what became a gruelling reconnaissance survey from Lado heading south-west through Baka to the Congo frontier. The result of Newcombe’s preliminary reconnaissance proved at odds with what had been agreed with the Belgian delegation back in Brussels who expected a detailed railway survey from which they could choose the most suitable line. However, Newcombe’s personal assessment provided the British government with the geographic intelligence necessary to monitor the King’s future aspirations and counter potential encroachments. The survey was only halted when heavy rain and crippling bouts of malaria forced them to give up.
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| Newcombe and the Anglo-Belgian Commission to the Lado |
More broadly, Newcombe's work supported the British goal of maintaining what scholars have termed the "hydraulic empire" - the ambition to command the entire length of the Nile, thereby ensuring control over the irrigation systems critical to Egypt’s agrarian economy. The notion of total Nile control was not merely symbolic; it had real strategic value, particularly in deterring foreign influence and ensuring the security of the Suez Canal, Britain's gateway to India.
In addition to his surveying work, Newcombe’s missions had a significant military intelligence dimension. His reconnaissance efforts allowed British forces to identify key terrain features, strategic passes, and potential infrastructure corridors, especially in regions bordering the Congo Free State. This information was crucial not only for defence planning but also for pre-empting any Belgian attempts to establish permanent links - through rail or river - between the Congo basin and the Nile Valley. In this context, Newcombe’s work was closely connected to the broader British strategy of geopolitical containment, aimed at limiting both French expansion (as seen in the Fashoda Crisis of 1898) and Belgian penetration into East Africa.
The legacy of Newcombe’s work is significant. His surveys
helped define imperial boundaries and provided the foundation for colonial
administration and infrastructure development, bolstering British claims to
Uganda, South Sudan, and much of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. In doing so, they
reinforced Britain’s territorial grip on the Nile corridor. More than a
technical exercise, his mapping served as a tool of imperial
consolidation, aligning geography with Britain’s strategic and economic
interests. Positioned at the intersection of cartography, military
intelligence, and colonial state-building, his work exemplifies how ostensibly
neutral disciplines became instruments in the forging of empire.
The Congo Free State became the Belgian Congo in 1908 on the death of King Leopold, and after gaining independence in 1960 became the Democratic Republic of Congo (officially Zaire). Since then, the country has been gripped by post-colonial power struggles, as ethnic tensions, political rivalries, corruption, and battles over natural wealth have fuelled decades of conflict.
Neighbouring states, particularly Rwanda and Uganda, have significantly shaped the trajectory of conflict in the DRC through their support for armed groups and direct military interventions motivated by political, economic, and security interests. The 1994 Rwandan genocide against Tutsi, moderate Hutu, and Twa communities had profound repercussions in eastern DRC, catalysing two major wars: the First Congo War (1996–1997) and the Second Congo War (1998–2003). Often termed 'Africa’s World War,' these conflicts drew in multiple African states and non-state actors, underscoring the transnational dimensions of violence in the region. This constant state of warfare since 1996 has resulted in 6 million deaths.
As of 2025, the DRC continues to endure one of the most complex and devastating crises in the world, marked by escalating violence, mass atrocities, and a deepening humanitarian emergency. The ongoing conflict, particularly in the eastern regions, has triggered widespread displacement, extreme food insecurity, and prompted growing calls for international recognition of the scale and nature of these crimes. Together, these developments have created a multifaceted emergency with profound political and humanitarian implications.
In recent years, violence in eastern DRC has intensified dramatically, reflecting not only the entrenched brutality of the region’s armed conflicts but also an alarming trend of ethnic targeting and large-scale killing that increasingly bears the hallmarks of genocide.
Famine and Food Insecurity
Alongside the violence, the DRC is experiencing a worsening food crisis. According to the World Food Programme, more than 28 million people - over one-quarter of the country’s population - are now facing acute food insecurity (IPC Phase 3 or higher), with nearly 4 million classified at emergency levels (Phase 4). This represents one of the largest food crises globally and is a direct consequence of the ongoing conflict, which continues to disrupt agricultural production, trade routes, and humanitarian access.
The food crisis is not merely a by-product of natural conditions or economic mismanagement; it is deeply conflict-driven. In areas where fighting is most intense, humanitarian agencies face enormous challenges in delivering aid. The collapse of basic infrastructure, combined with insecurity and a lack of political coordination, has created a humanitarian emergency of immense scale.
The Democratic Republic of the Congo stands at a critical juncture. The combination of systematic violence, state weakness, and economic exploitation has produced a humanitarian catastrophe that many argue meets the threshold for genocide. At the same time, famine threatens millions, particularly in areas directly affected by conflict and displacement.
While international attention has often focused on more prominent global crises, the situation in the DRC demands urgent and sustained response. Recognition of the atrocities as genocide would not only have moral weight but could trigger stronger mechanisms for accountability and protection under international law. Likewise, addressing the famine requires immediate scaling up of aid, security guarantees for humanitarian operations, and longer-term efforts to stabilize the region.
Without meaningful intervention, the twin crises of genocide and famine in the Congo threaten to become among the most devastating yet under-recognised human tragedies of the 21st century.
From the vantage point of Newcombe’s experiences, he would not be surprised that, of the three countries discussed in this essay - Palestine, Sudan, and the Congo - it is the Congo whose present crisis most clearly reflects its colonial past. The brutality of King Leopold II’s rule, with its vast death toll and systematic mutilations, created a state built on extraction rather than governance. Belgium’s later administration did little to reverse these structural weaknesses, leaving behind fragile institutions that collapsed after independence. For Newcombe, the Congo might have appeared as the starkest example of how colonial exploitation, rather than ending with empire, could perpetuate cycles of crisis for generations.
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